Hassan Nasrallah.. The killer and the killed

Two dark points in the history of contemporary Arabs turned its security into fear, its unity into disintegration, and its stability into displacement: the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran at the end of the seventies, and the formation of the Lebanese Shiite Hezbollah in the early eighties from the womb of the Shiite Amal Movement, whose name was associated with brutal massacres and crimes of genocide in the Lebanese civil war.

Iran's ambition was to export its revolutionary version and religious Shiism to Arab capitals with its direct tools, but it worked to create its own agenda from within Arab countries and funded it with thought and weapons. Hezbollah was the biggest leader and the most promoter of Shiite policy after it gained strength by establishing armed militias that hindered the stability of the state in Lebanon, imposed its hegemony and controlled the fate and will of the Lebanese, claiming to stand against the Zionist enemy, fight battles against it and achieve victories over it. During that, its path changed to confining itself to the circle of implementing Iranian desires and absolute subordination to it; after that, a series of tragedies and disasters began, with Hezbollah directly behind them, in Iraq, Syria and Yemen, in addition to the torn and politically, economically and socially collapsed Lebanese interior.

The great slip that Hezbollah has fallen into is that it has become a purely Iranian tool, following the same tune as Tehran, and implementing its instructions in form and substance, after it gained Arab popularity as a resistance faction on its land against the Zionist entity. However, this slip has changed the course of its presence, dwarfed its project, and marginalized its image in the Arab conscience, due to its identification with the Iranian hostile tendency towards the Arabs, and the stirring up of anxiety and tension in the region, and Hezbollah’s involvement - side by side with Iran - in supporting the militia entities in Iraq, Yemen, and Syria.

Hezbollah has withdrawn its support for Gaza while it is being subjected to a Zionist war of extermination, contenting itself with a trembling political discourse that disavows its fixed principles on which it ascended to the top of the forces opposing the Zionist entity, despite the fact that it is closer to it than its jugular vein, proving its miserable failure, feeble weakness, and fragile discourse that made the entity target it after Gaza.

Hassan Nasrallah was killed in an Israeli airstrike that targeted him, days after his party’s leaders were targeted by blowing up pagers, and then the southern suburb was targeted by intensive airstrikes, bringing Lebanon into the war zone next to Gaza. Nasrallah’s death sparked an Arab and Yemeni division among elites, between those who see him as a resistance martyr and those who see him as a leader involved in many crimes and tragedies in Syria, Iraq and Yemen.

First of all, we condemn this blatant aggression that the entity is committing in Lebanon and targeting civilians under the pretext of eradicating Hezbollah and eliminating its leaders. However, Nasrallah has positions and policies for which we have paid a heavy price in our blood and land.

Nasrallah was the second supporter after Iran for the Houthi militias, and he stood with them step by step politically, militarily and intellectually, openly declaring his support for them, endorsing their crimes against the Yemenis and blessing their actions and behaviour as two faces of Iran and its policy in the region.

We claim to be idealistic, noble, and to recall national and religious ties - which Hassan Nasrallah has destroyed over the course of two decades - and we pretend to be sad and grieved, ignoring our wounds and pains that the Houthi militias continue to inflict to this day.

The close connection between Hezbollah and the Houthi militias is not a speculation or an alleged accusation. Rather, the two factions have emerged as components that completely belong to Tehran and implement its destructive ambitions to the letter at the expense of their people.

Throughout the tragic decade in Yemen, Nasrallah appeared in many of his speeches and positions, considering the Houthis an integral part of the Iranian project, of which he is one of its tools. He has incited the killing of Yemenis throughout the duration of this ongoing war between us and the group that he supports and backs with all possible means, and his support for it represents one of the factors of its superiority and survival until now.

Nasrallah, who considered the fall of Marib and the western coast the gateway to victory and the opening of the road to liberating Jerusalem, according to his claim, implied the hidden goal of Iran’s complete control over the sources of wealth and maritime dominance to enable it to control and dominate the region.

Yemen's pains are countless and its suffering is immeasurable due to Hezbollah's participation in the war with the Houthis step by step, and the insistence on dragging it into the tunnel of sectarianism and Shiism and obliterating identity and violating blood, honor and money and the fall of thousands of dead and wounded as fuel for a Yemeni civil war that has brought down the state and lost the republic and turned the country into an arena of Iranian conflict that opposes its opponents in the region, and the Yemenis pay the price and no one else.

This identical behavior and similar policy between Hezbollah and the Houthis is infuriating and brings resentment towards them as our clear enemies, who participated in destroying our dreams and uprooting our existence. How can we forgive and forget this crime and rush to feel the loss of a man who has gone too far in hurting our feelings and disturbing our peace and his determination to hand over our necks and our homeland to a sectarian dynasty that rules us by choice and enslaves us in the name of religion?

Hassan Nasrallah presented himself as an enemy of the Yemenis without hesitation, a partner in killing them, and the one with the upper hand in the righteousness of the project of their destruction and annihilation at the hands of his Houthi counterpart. He was keen on our hostility more than his hostility to the Zionists. He was involved in killing innocents in Syria, Iraq and Yemen with the fire of his elements and the fire of his followers, and he did not kill a single Zionist.

Therefore, our feelings are mixed regarding his death and our view is confused; because feelings have a logical philosophy and are not arbitrary. Pains do not heal easily and do not disappear by simply ignoring them, as long as the pain persists and the blood continues and the enemy is lurking and seeking to devour us day and night and his shells hunt our children every day. I am forced to drown in a pool of sadness and oppression over the fall of Hassan Nasrallah. Rather, my sadness is overwhelming over the Arab blood that is being shed in Gaza and Lebanon, our brothers and part of our flesh and existence, but the missing individual is not like that.